As I recall, some readers of The New Yorker felt a bit of a shock in 1998 when they read Toni Morrison’s characterization of Bill Clinton as “our first Black president.” I was only a bit less electrified when it occurred to me, shortly after noon on Martin Luther King Day, that Donald Trump may be our first post-modern president.
By “postmodernism” in this context I mean Foucault, the most influential of the post-modernists who have focused on politics and the state. If you want the political Foucault in a nutshell, it’s this: systems of power don’t just depend on structures of discourse, they somehow are those structures. How people talk about prisons or clinics or sex in the city guides and creates those institutions, and whoever controls the discourse controls the levers of power.
Which takes us to the Gulf of America, as viewed from a long way off—say, from the peak of Mt. McKinley. Trump has always been focused on names, describing, and discourse, and he has made his fortune on turning words into money, and money into power. If he says the Trump brand is worth millions, it is. (Unless, of course, a court rules otherwise, as it did in two civil and criminal cases in New York. As my sister in Texas says, by way of capping a list of Trump’s flaws, “He may not even be rich.”) In attempting to bend reality by bending words and applying his Sharpie to the Gulf of Mexico and Denali, our 47th president aligns himself with the crowd of renamers who have changed the labels of buildings and holidays in the belief that doing so somehow made injustice go away. It won’t. Reality—not things, as the Wittgenstein of the Tractacus said, but the alignment between things and how we describe them—has a way of refuting the postmodernist belief that discourse is all there is—that you can turn a brand into dollars, or a meme into money. In the next few years, let’s cling tight to facts and call things what they are, as best we can tell.
~Lee T. Pearcy
January 22, 2025